Satellites over South Asia: Broadcasting, Culture and the Public Interest By David Page and William Crawley (Sage, India 2001)


In the town of Biratnagar in the Nepali terai - where the north Indian plains confront the foothills of the Himalayas - students debated the impact of satellite TV on their lives and disagreed strongly among themselves. ' Personally' said one boy ' I don't like Star movies and Channel V. The life shown on these channels is far removed from the reality of our own country. Because of these channels, Nepali girls too have started wearing short skirts.' ' I think films are much more dangerous to society' replied a girl, 'Nepali boys are very quick at copying. That's why we see boys wearing earrings, bandanas on their heads and teasing girls. This is all due to films.' 'Our earrings and bandanas have nothing to do with TV', retorted a boy, 'though the provocative clothes girls wear may be something they learnt from TV' ' I would not dare to kiss a girl on the road, just because they do so on TV', mused another male student 'But there have been changes in the way I dress and in the way I look at things.'

The young men and women taking part in this discussion were students at a local college. They all still watched Nepal state television or Indian state television but almost all of them also had access to twenty satellite channels on a local cable system. The charge was 200 rupees or less than three dollars a month. The channels included channel V and MTV, the youth and music channels, Zee TV, the popular Hindi entertainment channel, three channels from the Star platform offering regional news, movies and sports, plus international news providers, CNN and BBC.

Ten years earlier, Biratnagar had a choice of only Indian and Nepali state television channels and the difference is palpable. 'Nepal TV programmes are not effective and neither are they good' said one of the same students. ' In fact every month, NTV programmes disappear from Biratnagar for days. This does not happen with the satellite channels.' Another said: ' Before City-cable came to Biratnagar, we had to watch the boring programmes of Nepal TV and I can say no-one actually sat completely through any of them.' 'If we only had Nepal TV' said a third, ' we would have come to know of the nuclear tests of India and Pakistan really late.'

Satellite TV has made a huge difference to the choice of viewing available even in relatively small towns in economically under-developed parts of south Asia. It has opened windows to worlds which were inaccessible before except to the well-to-do and it has provoked a lively and often heated debate about the implications for nations, communities and cultures.

It has also offered a major challenge to the national broadcasters of south Asia who had the field to themselves for so long. Satellite TV is no respecter of borders. It has created new electronic communities which transcend old political boundaries. The same programmes can now be watched in Karachi, Kandy, Kathmandu, Kolhapur and Khulna, even if the language isn't always understood. It is a challenge not just to the national broadcasters but to nationalism itself.

In Satellites over South Asia, we chart the progress of the satellite revolution which brought these new visions to millions of viewers in the south Asian subcontinent during the 1990s. We study its impact as a south Asian regional phenomenon, looking not just at its influence within individual countries but also its powerful overspill effect. We have tapped public opinion in the metropolitan cities and smaller towns of the five main countries of the region - India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. We have also spoken to a range of experts from those countries to discover their views on the satellite phenomenon : radio and television producers, film makers, academics, journalists, government servants, media entrepreneurs, advertisers, market researchers, politicians and many others. In making their views more widely known, we hope the book will make a contribution to debates about the future of civil society in the region and the role that broadcasting might play in it.

The global background

Three important developments underpin the media revolution which has changed the way south Asians see the world - the demise of communism, the increasing integration of world markets and very rapid advances in communications technology . In the aftermath of the collapse of the Soviet bloc, free trade and the free flow of information became the dominant philosophies of the late twentieth century, with the United States the chief protagonist of both. Economic barriers tumbled, state control of the public sector was rolled back and liberalisation opened up world trade on market terms. Most states, in some cases with reluctance, put their signatures to plans to dismantle protectionist barriers , as outlined in the negotiations setting up the World Trade Organisation in 1995.

The demise of communism accelerated a process of economic globalisation which was already well advanced. By the 1980s, world financial markets had become increasingly interdependent and many multi-national companies had become global economic forces. The balance of power between nation states and transnational interests had begun to shift.

In this process improved communications has played a central role. The pace of progress in telecommunications, satellite and computer technology has changed the nature of international communication and opened up new commercial opportunities. The Internet has proved its potential for personal communication; its ramifications for broadcasting are still unfolding. The convergence of these technologies is already taking effect.

For the world media, these advances have brought new opportunities for the projection of a global presence. Television could not go global until the commercial development of satellite communications removed its previous dependence on terrestrial transmissions. Since the late 1980s, however, television has developed into a global industry and a key factor in the integration of world markets. Within a very short period, there has been a consolidation of television interests - both production and distribution - positioning them to take advantage of markets where their services were previously unknown.

Herman and McChesney have charted the growth of media consortia into multi-billion dollar enterprises with global ambitions. They have also shown how the same process is evident in the growing concentration of ownership of advertising and market research companies. Improved communications have made it possible for the same television programmes to be watched at the same time all over the globe and for the same advertisements to project global brands across a multitude of countries. To this extent, technology, the media and advertising are collaborators in the growing globalisation of commerce.

By the late 1990s, a handful of multi-billion dollar companies, most of them American in origin, had come to dominate the global media. The largest of these was Time Warner, publisher of Time Magazine, owner of Warner Brothers film studios and Home Box Office, the largest cable network in the world. In 1996, Time Warner purchased Turner broadcasting, owner of CNN, which had nearly 100 million subscribers, and the Cartoon Network. In early 2000, Time Warner joined forces with America On-line in what was described as the world's 'biggest-ever' company merger. It brought together the world's leading Internet company with one of the world's leading content providers in a union aimed at exploiting the rapid convergence of communication technologies. At a combined value of 335 billion dollars, the category of media company acquired a new dimension.

After Time Warner, the next largest conglomerate is Disney, which had earlier transformed its structure and purpose to face similar challenges. Previously primarily a content provider, Disney's purchase in 1995 of the ABC TV and radio network made it a media giant in its own right. That network included two ESPN sports channels, providing 24 hour sports in 21 languages to 165 countries. Sony, well known as one of the world's leading hardware companies, acquired formidable television expertise when it bought the American news provider CBS. Its plans to exploit the Sony brand in global television included the launch of new services for India. Viacom, which owns the Paramount film studios, MTV, the RCA record label, Macmillans the publishers and Blockbuster, the world's largest video chain, is also in the top league with a market capitalisation of $ 37.2 billion.

Finally, as far as Asia is concerned, there is Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation, which has a controlling interest in Star TV. From his origins in Australia, Murdoch extended his media empire first to the UK, then to the USA, and next to Asia. Over 80% of News Corporation's revenues come from the USA and Europe but it has invested heavily in the Chinese and Indian markets. Other global companies have also been trying to exploit the growing prosperity of Asian markets. Time Warner, Disney and Viacom all hoped that Asia would contribute over 40% of corporate profits by 2000, though the east Asian economic crisis of 1997 made that unrealistic.

South Asia - the changing landscape

The end of the cold war and the collapse of the Soviet bloc involved a diplomatic and economic re-orientation for the south Asian region. India's conversion to a programme of economic liberalisation, which accelerated considerably after 1991, was a reflection of these new realities. Economic reforms introduced at that time opened up a very large new market for foreign capital and consumer goods which quickly attracted multi-national interest. As a result foreign trade and investment increased substantially over the next few years. All this seemed highly improbable in the 1970s and 80s, when India's close relationship with the Soviet Union set the tone for many of its foreign and economic policies.

Satellite television played a role in alerting international business to the size and potential of the Indian market, which is now seen as one of the most promising in the world. Star TV, the first in the field with a range of different programmes, initially targeted the Pacific rim economies, but India's enthusiasm for the programmes soon put it at the centre of special media planning and attention. Efforts to attract Indian audiences by broadcasting English-language programming from the United States, Britain and elsewhere initially led to accusations of a 'cultural invasion'. But before long commercial attention was focussed on the Hindi speaking middle class, with Zee TV emerging very quickly as the most popular and profitable channel. By the mid 1990s, international channels targeting the Indian market were competing both in the north and the south with flourishing channels run by Indian entrepreneurs.

The nature of the new satellite media makes earlier notions of western cultural domination look very oversimplified. Schiller's view, expressed first in the late 1960s, that the media would spread American lifestyles around the world and that a homogeneous globalised culture would gradually replace other local and regional cultures plainly does not fit the facts. Barriers of language and the political and economic empowerment of a growing middle class over the past thirty years have stood in the way of such a scenario. Even in former British colonies, the English language elite, though still influential in the professions, is no longer politically or economically dominant.

At the same time, the fact that international media entrepreneurs are making programmes in Hindi to appeal to the Indian middle class is not proof that all elements of the 'imperialism' thesis have to be jettisoned. The satellite revolution enables the international media to speak to the English-knowing middle class in one language and the greater Indian middle class in others. The programme preferences of these audiences may not overlap very much - though there are some indications that the overlap is increasing - but the fact that these audiences watch programmes in different languages does not prevent them from being targeted with similar products and lifestyles. For the advertiser, whether national or multi-national, the language is the means to reach the audience. To this extent, the development of programmes in Hindi by Star TV or of popular soap operas by Zee TV is assisting the integration of India into the global consumer economy.

The advertising agencies have the most demonstrable claim to be the midwives of satellite television. Television advertising has helped to create whole new markets in south Asia, both for new products and for the re-branding of a range of consumer goods. But while the advertisers have been targeting the Indian market, they have created audiences across south Asia in general and in the Gulf as well. The westernised middle class in Colombo or Karachi now watch the same English-language programmes on CNN or BBC, Star News or Cartoon Network. Pakistanis watch programmes made for India, particularly the Hindi entertainment channels. Tamils in Sri Lanka have access to satellite channels in their language aimed at south India. Bengali satellite channels have audiences in both Bangladesh and West Bengal. Much of this communication is still one way - from India outwards - but it has already affected the nature of relationships between states and peoples.

At the moment, there is no south Asian economic market, though the countries of the region are committed to creating a Free Trade Area in the longer term. There is plenty of awareness of the natural economic synergies which closer cooperation could offer. But progress towards such a goal has been held up by economic nationalism, political suspicion, and in the case of India and Pakistan a long history of hostility and war. What satellite television has created, however, is a new cultural market, which transcends national boundaries and has acquired geopolitical significance for this reason.

Taking a regional view

Given the history of the region and the nature of the medium, we believe it is valuable to look at these trends from a south Asian perspective. India, Pakistan and Bangladesh were in colonial times ruled as one country from the same capital, while Sri Lanka formed part of the same Empire. They inherited much from that period which has influenced their subsequent development: forms of government, the rule of law, the role of English as a link language and common approaches to broadcasting. Even Nepal, which did not come under formal British rule, emerged as a nation state in the shadow of colonial power and has since gradually conformed to a south Asian political model.

What these countries have experienced in common, however, has been overshadowed for the last half century by the differences between them. Each nation state has tended to define itself in contradistinction to its neighbours. India's Congress leadership projected a secular image, contrasting with Pakistan's emergence as a homeland for Muslims. Pakistan projected India as a 'Hindu' state to justify the act of separation. Bangladeshi nationalists put language first when seceding from Pakistan but later had to square their secular nationalism with their Islamic inheritance. Islam was reasserted to distinguish the new state from India. For similar reasons, the Sri Lankan state has emphasised its role as a guardian of Buddhism, though this contributed to the alienation of its own Tamil population. Nepal has promoted the Nepali language as a key marker of difference, rather than the cultural and religious heritage it shares with India. In all these countries, nationalism has emphasised differences with neighbours which the satellite revolution now threatens to undermine.

In this shaping of national identity, the state-controlled electronic media have played a central role. They have been deployed by central governments as an integrative force, championing in each country the chosen language of nationalism - the Persianised Urdu of Radio Pakistan, the sanscritised Hindi of All India Radio, the Bengali of Bangladesh Radio which differs in important respects from the same language broadcast by All India Radio Calcutta. National radio and television have assisted in re-interpreting the histories of the colonial and pre-colonial periods, projecting the heroes of their freedom movements, broadcasting 'national' literature and music, and inspiring their populations with the notion of being citizens of the new states.

This nationalist project has also involved - to different extents in each state - discouraging the articulation of 'regional' cultures and languages and in effect erring on the side of uniformity while paying lip service to nostrums of 'unity in diversity'. In most south Asian states, governments have recognised the value of broadcasting in many languages, in radio if not in television. But they have not encouraged a genuine pluralism. India - south Asia's most diverse state - goes further than the others in acknowledging its own diversity. But even in India concessions to regional opinion have often been made only in the face of intense political protest. In Sri Lanka, the state media did recognise the country's diversity in the early years but has done so less effectively since the Tamil insurgency broke out in the 1980s. Pakistan's concessions to regional identity have been much more limited. Nepal made almost no concessions until the 'People's Movement' of 1990.

Because of the centralised character of the nation state, the satellite revolution in south Asia has been more disruptive and far reaching than in many other parts of the world. In most south Asian countries, the satellite channels brought the first direct challenge to the state-controlled sector and its bureaucratic broadcasting culture. The new channels have offered better produced and more wide-ranging international news and current affairs programmes and a very wide range of new entertainment programmes. They have brought the consumer values of the western world to a middle class accustomed to a diet of more high-minded programmes with a national focus . In the new atmosphere of liberalisation they caught on like a forest fire in a dry summer. In some south Asian metropolitan centres, middle class audiences for national broadcasters have virtually disappeared. In this influential segment of the community, a key instrument of state cultural control has been made almost redundant.

Rethinking the role of the state

What does all this mean for nationalism and the nation state in south Asia? If the development of print capitalism was central to the emergence of nationalism in the nineteenth century, as Benedict Anderson has argued, what are the implications of transnational media technologies for present-day nationalisms? In the twentieth century, radio and television extended the process of nation building , drawing much larger audiences than national newspapers and widening the sense of belonging from those who could read to those who could not. The new era of 'television without frontiers', however, creates different possibilities, some exciting and liberating, others threatening to notions of nationally autonomous cultures. Satellite technology has created the means to build communities across frontiers and even to challenge established political demarcations between states.

Collins, Locksley and Garnham in their analysis of trends in Europe have argued that ' the maintenance of national sovereignty and identity is becoming increasingly difficult as the unities of economic and cultural production and consumption are becoming increasingly transnational.' For them, the development of global satellite media is part of the same economic process as the growing integration of world financial markets, and threatens not just the autonomy of the nation state but the concept of citizenship which goes with it. In Europe, national politicians have to balance the advantages of economic integration against the growing assertion of regional identities within their own countries. We are witnessing what another commentator has called 'a leaking away of sovereignty from the state, both upwards to supranational institutions and downwards to subnational ones'.

In south Asia, moves towards economic integration are at an early stage and many politicians still exhibit a severely nationalistic mind-set. Most south Asia states have their own repressed regional cultures and their own crises of identity thrown up by the flawed politics of nationalism since independence. In recent decades India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka have all faced major challenges to their central governments from ethnic minority groups. The satellite revolution has posed new questions about these issues of identity and about the capacity of existing state structures to deal with them.

The new circumstances also call for a re-examination of how the public interest is defined. Until recently, the concept of public service broadcasting has centred on the nation state and on the state-controlled media. National broadcasters have not only acted as custodians of national culture; they have also seen it as their job to provide a universal service. The national radios of India and Pakistan have been broadcasting in all the main languages of their countries and many dialects as well, even if the core message has come from the capital cities. They have been providing programmes for schools and farmers, on health and hygiene, as well as education for citizenship and classes in literacy. Many of these programmes have not been made well , but they have reflected a perceived state responsibility towards all citizens.

National television, a more recent and more expensive medium, has pursued these objectives less comprehensively. It has served the middle classes first and others afterwards. Satellite television has more restricted audiences and strictly commercial objectives. In the new era of liberalisation, the tendency of the different governments has been to follow global trends and leave broadcasting increasingly to market forces. One of the questions we examine is whether this makes sense for states in which as many as 40% of the population are defined as poor.

In Europe, as commercial broadcasting has proliferated and audiences have become more fragmented, the erosion of the public service ideal has raised the spectre of national broadcasting cultures being displaced by a new homogenised culture, conceived largely according to American ideals. In their book Spaces of Identity, David Morley and Kevin Robins envisage new ' audiovisual geographies... detached from the symbolic space of national culture and realigned on the more universal principles of international consumer culture.' It is a prospect that worries them in Europe, where average standards of living are relatively high. It is more worrying in south Asia, where international consumer culture, despite its attractions to the middle class, is very much less 'universal' than the concepts of citizenship which it threatens to displace.

Commerce and community

In his prophetic look at media trends Towards 2000, Raymond Williams envisaged a world pulled between 'false and frenetic nationalisms' and 'reckless and uncontrollable transnationalisms'. His fear that the development of technology would strengthen the hands of the state and of transnational economic interests has become a much more widely shared anxiety today, though it is counterbalanced by the opportunities for personal and cultural expression, particularly for the middle classes, provided by the growth of the Internet.

The trend towards globalisation has also produced a countervailing public demand, particularly in western countries, for greater devolution of political power and more local democracy. The fact that the discourse of devolution and community has been appropriated by the global conglomerates themselves is perhaps the best evidence of popular resistance to these globalising trends.

South Asia has no shortage of nationalities, ethnic groups and communities who might benefit from new media technologies, nor of development needs which the media might help to meet. But early expectations of the benefits of mass media technologies in these fields now look exaggerated and there is greater appreciation of the complexity of social influences of which the media are only a part.

The satellite media in south Asia have given access to new and articulate voices. Politicians and public figures have been called to account in programmes which break with the deferential tradition of the state broadcasters. Audience participation in debates, discussions and interviews have added a new dimension to the public sphere. But these welcome improvements in programme choice and quality have come within a framework of market economics in which mass entertainment dominates the schedules and the Hindi language reaches the largest audiences. In its initial phase at least, the market has reinforced the dominant position of Hindi as the lingua franca of India and by its very success and attractiveness raised questions about the future of other cultures.

Only in the southern states of India did the satellite revolution foster an immediate flowering of alternative regional language channels - in Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Malayalam. Despite the Indian government's long-established dominance of the electronic media, southern entrepreneurs succeeded, as others did not, in throwing off the straightjacket of central control and articulating their regional cultures in the new medium.

Another area in which the satellite media have had remarkable success is in linking up south Asian communities across the globe. The great diasporas of Gujaratis, Punjabis, Kashmiris or Tamils living away from home in the Gulf, Europe or North America can now watch the same programmes as their relatives at home. Some of the private satellite channels have actively developed new market opportunities among the south Asian diaspora, while state broadcasters have seen the importance of registering their presence on the same screens. Part of the motive - for India and Pakistan especially - has been propagandist, to ensure that audiences in neighbouring countries and their citizens abroad have access to their own culture. But there is also an international constituency for south Asian films, popular music and dance which transcends south Asian borders. The cultural invasion has been turned into an 'outvasion' to exploit the global appeal of south Asian culture.

Arjun Appadurai has argued that satellite television has helped to create what he calls 'diasporic public spheres, phenomena that confound theories that depend on the continued salience of the nation-state as the key arbiter of important social changes'. Satellite television has certainly played a part in the creation of a new kind of hybridity which is characteristic of contemporary metropolitan living; it is a new and powerful influence challenging the nation state's role as a purveyor of culture. But talk of a 'terminal crisis' of the state may be premature. As James Curran and Myung-Jin Park have argued: ' ...Globalisation theory... is often based on an aerial perspective that simplifies. In particular, it tends to understate the continuing importance of the nation.' The nation state remains resilient, certainly in defence of its own prerogatives, and we would argue that it needs to play a greater role as a regulator in order to ensure that the public interest is safeguarded in the new media environment.

Amartya Sen has pointed out that ' the threat to native cultures in the globalising world of today is, to a considerable extent, inescapable. The one solution that is not really within reach is that of stopping globalisation of trade and economics, since the forces of economic exchange and the division of labour are hard to resist in a competitive world.' Some smaller cultures and languages are certainly at risk of extinction, but most are in a constant process of adaptation and are much less discrete and autonomous than their defenders sometimes argue. Cross cultural influences can be liberating, as can the vision of prosperity and materialism which the new media market offers. But leaving everything to the market does not ensure the level playing field that even private entrepreneurs require. We argue that there is a need for a regulatory environment which offers fairness, respects uniqueness, encourages diversity and enables the media to work towards those ends rather than against them.

Whether the state is in a position to play this role is an open question. The state in south Asia has its own dilemmas of centralisation and bureaucracy which are only partly inherited. It has played an active managerial role in 'nation building' and has only recently begun to de-nationalise important sectors of the economy. This same legacy of centralisation and bureaucracy stands in the way of more autonomy for state broadcasters or more decentralisation of responsibility and resources. Our research shows that they do still have a constituency, but there is disappointment that they have not risen to the challenge of the satellite era more distinctively.

The media and civil society

One important result of the satellite revolution is the development of a lively contemporary public debate about the role the media should play. There is a great deal of media comment, political argument and sociological analysis in all countries. In India and Sri Lanka particularly, the terms of debate on issues of democratic representation, national sovereignty, civil society and cultural identity are perceived to hinge more than before on the influence of the media, with the print media still paramount but the private electronic media playing a catalytic role in some fields. In other countries, the state retains greater control, though similar influences are working there too.

In discussing the role of the media, we use the concept of 'civil society' as one whose 'institutional core... is constituted by voluntary unions outside the realm of the state and the economy' . We believe the term remains a valuable one, despite the fact that it has sometimes been taken to exclude categories of gender and ethnicity which are central to contemporary ideas of participatory democracy. Ultimately, we argue, reform of the national media will depend on the development of a more active public opinion on media issues and the creation of a new relationship between the media and civil society.

Government policy towards the media has largely been based on a functionalist approach, in which the media are seen as a causal influence for continuity integration and normality in society. The approach continues to provide a widely used and widely understood terminology for discussing the relationship of the mass media and society, even if its shortcomings are now well known. Those shortcomings are amply borne out by the responses that we have recorded of those who are exposed to the broadcast media. The active engagement of audiences and their scepticism and capacity to resist as well as to accept media messages underlines the autonomy of individual viewers and listeners. But we share a perception common to broadcasters and policy makers that television and radio can generate or promote desirable or undesirable social and cultural trends, and that they have an influence in negotiating ideas of modernity in the countries of south Asia, and the place in it of the individual and the community.

The book begins with a brief history of the development of the electronic media in the different south Asian countries from the colonial period until 1990. The next chapter tells the story of the opening of the skies, the media companies involved, the means of distribution and the reception given to the programmes. After an examination of development of the new television market in India in chapter 4, the following three chapters examine the cultural influence of satellite programmes across the whole region. Chapter 5 shows that satellite television has been instrumental in creating a new south Asian popular culture, which has proved both attractive and controversial in each country. Chapter 6 looks at the implications of the popularity of Hindi entertainment channels for other regional cultures in northern India. It draws a contrast between Maharashtra and West Bengal, where satellite services in regional languages did not initially develop, and Tamil Nadu, where a thriving commercial satellite sector emerged very rapidly. Chapter 7 tests opinion among India's neighbours on their exposure to the new Indian satellite channels. The next two chapters look at the role of the state in south Asia: firstly, at government reactions to the breaking of the state monopoly and efforts to produce a new regulatory framework and secondly at the problems of centralisation which have impeded the development of effective local or community media. The last two chapters examine the role of broadcasting in serving the wider public interest and at practical policy issues which arise for the future.

Notes and references: Chapter 1

1 Focus Group Discussion, College students, Biratnagar, June 1998.

2 Herman, E. & McChesney, R. (1997), The Global Media: new missionaries of   global capitalism.

3 Financial Times, 11 January 2000

4 Ibid. On 7 January 2000, the market capitalisation of Time Warner was 76.4   billion dollars,   Walt Disney $65.2 billion, and CBS $44.2 billion.

5 In early March 2000, Rupert Murdoch's global media company was estimated   to be worth 43.5 billion dollars. See Financial Times, 2   March 2000.

6 Schiller, H..I.( 1976), Communication and Cultural Domination.

7 Collins, R. Garnham N., and Locksley,G. (1988), The Economics of Television:   UK case, p 55.

8 Lipschutz, R., Reconstructing world politics: the emergence of global civil   society, in Millennium: Journal of International   Studies, 21 (3), 1992.

9 Morley D., & Robins,K. (1995), Spaces of Identity: global media, electronic   landscapes and cultural boundaries, p 11.

10 Raymond Williams (1983),Towards 2000, pp 198-9.

11 Arjun Appadurai, (1997), Modernity at Large: cultural dimensions of   globalisation, p 4.

12 James Curran and Myung-Jin Park (Eds.)(2000), De-westernising media   studies, p 15.

13 Amartya Sen, Culture, Freedom and Independence, in Unesco World Culture   Report 1998, p 319.

14 Habermas, Jurgen, Further Reflections on the Public Sphere in Calhoun,Craig   (ed.) (1992) Habermas and the Public Sphere   p.453

15 cf. McQuail, Denis (1994) Mass Communication Theory p.78

16 For a discussion of the role of television role in this process in the Indian   context, see Nilanjana Gupta (1998), Switching Channels, Chapter 5.

Home | News | Sitemap | Contact Us | About Us | Feedback (Best Viewed in 800x600)